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This paper is an attempt to look at
the evolution, function and impact of the
new religious movements in
India. We propose to critically analyse the
role played by these movements in making
Hinduism a living reality for the
contemporary world. Emphasis is placed on
the relevance of these movements and their
central figures today. We begin with a
general analysis of the expression ‘new
religious movements’ followed by a brief
study of the new religious movements in
pre-independence India and a critical
scrutiny of a couple of such relevant
movements in the post-independence India.
The New Religious Movements
The phenomenon of new religious
movements is not new in the history of
Hinduism. The rise of classical Hinduism is
accompanied by many new religious movements
of the time. Medieval Hinduism is similarly
distinguished by the emergence of a variety
of such new religious movements. The
development of some of them is attributed to
the presence of Islam on the Indian soil.
Modern Hinduism in the pre-independence
India again found expression in a large
number of new religious movements mostly as
an antidote to the Western and Christian
influences in the wake of the establishment
of British rule in India. The new Hindu
religious figures and movements which have
appeared on the Indian scene during the post
independence period are numerous. Thus one
could say that the pre and post independence
period of India witnessed the emergence of
several new religious movements.
The expression “new religious
movements” comprises a wide range of
movements which range from loose
affiliations based on novel approaches to
spirituality or religion to communitarian
enterprises that demand a considerable
amount of group conformity and social
identity. This expression was introduced in
the 1980s by scholars as an alternative to
the older term “cult,” which, during the
cult debate of the 1970s, acquired a
pejorative connotation, and was subsequently
used indiscriminately by lay critics to
disparage faiths whose doctrines they saw as
unusual or heretical. Debates among
academics on the acceptability of the word
"cult" continue in scholarly research. The
Oxford Dictionary defines “cult” as “a
system of religious or spiritual beliefs,
especially an informal and transient belief
system regarded by others as misguided,
unorthodox, extremist, or false, and
directed by a charismatic, authoritarian
leader.” Such a definition may not be
applicable in the case of most of the Hindu
religious movements. However, “cult” as an
“idolization of somebody or something” seems
to be more relevant in the context of Hindu
movements, which stress an extreme or
excessive admiration for a person,
philosophy of life, or activity.
Some scholars, especially in
sociology of religion, use the expression
"new religious movement" to describe any
non-mainstream religion, while others use
"new religious movement" for the majority of
benign alternative religions. They reserve
"cult" to label groups which are extremely
manipulative and exploitative. While there
is no one criterion for describing a group
as a "new" religious movement, it usually
refers to both movements of recent origin
and those different from existing religions.
It may be defined as a religious faith, or
an ethical, spiritual or philosophical
movement of “recent origin” that is not part
of an established traditional religious
body. The definitions of "of recent origin"
vary greatly: some authors see as new
movements those originating or appearing in
a new context after World War II, others
define as new everything originating after
the Bahai Faith (mid 19th century), or even
everything originating after Sikhism (17th
century).[1]
“New” in the sense of different
from existing religions refers by common
consensus to all movements which are not
part of any existing religion. Some authors
also count as new those movements which are,
in religious science, seen as part of an
existing religion which is true in the case
of most of the new Hindu religious
movements. Some authors also consider
religious movements as new when they appear
in a new cultural context and present
themselves as distinct from traditional
religion, e.g., new Hindu or Buddhist groups
in the Western world. There are also groups
which are by some or many authors seen as
new religious movements, though they do not
define themselves as religions.
Pre and Post Independence Movements
We can distinguish the Hindu
religious movements between those that
emerged in the pre-independence period and
in the post-independence period. Brahmo
Samaj, Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission,
Hindu Mahasabha, Ananda Marg, etc., emerged
in the pre-independence period. Hare Krishna
Movement, Divine Light Mission, the
Transcendental Meditation Movement, the
Rajneesh Movement, the Sai Baba Movement,
Sri Sri Ravi Sankar, Mata Amrtanandamayi,
etc., belong to post independence period. K.
M. Panikkar has referred to the new
movements of the pre-independence period
collectively as the Hindu Reformation, and
notes that both the combined contribution of
these movements and the qualitative change
in the Hindu context were brought about by
the achievements of Indian independence.[2]
The National movement in
India had its deep roots in the
socio-religious movements of the 19th
century. According to Kulakkatt, though the
idea of reforming the Indian society and its
socio-religious practices was proposed by
the English missionaries, their imprudent
preaching of the Christian religion and
their vehement attacks against Hindu
religion and its practices aroused the Hindu
intellectuals from their despondency.[3]
They reacted ingeniously against the
preaching of these missionaries and their
attacks, and defended their religion and
practices. As a result, several
socio-religious movements have come up.[4]
These movements later became contributory
factors in the national movement for
independence. However, in most cases these
socio-religious movements did not openly
identify themselves with nationalism, but
instead, maintained that they were strictly
religious organizations. The Ramakrishna
monks remained largely outside politics as
did the Radhasoami Satsang, but the Arya
Samaj found itself increasingly drawn into
political action in defence of the Hindu
community through its shuddhi
campaigns, anti-Muslim satyagrahas,
and organizational developments. Politics in
the twentieth century was not solely focused
on nationalist competition, but encompassed
numerous forms of caste, communal, regional
and class struggles. The Sri Narayana Guru
Movement, for example, was divided between
its religious aspect and its concern for the
uplift of the untouchables.[5]
While the pre-Independence
movements could serve as catalyst to a
certain extent in the national integration
of the country, the revival and expansion of
Hinduism was the main thrust of all these
movements. The same holds true of movements
of the post-Independence period. Thus with
the achievement of Indian Independence the
post-Independence movements focus their
attention more on the expansion of Hinduism
especially in the West.
Vivekananda’s concepts of Karma
Yoga and self-help generated a
combination of religion and social service
which was new to Hinduism while defending
many of the rituals and beliefs of
orthodoxy. In the process Vivekananda
himself became one of the most popular
figures in the Hindu world. To many he
represented a revived Hinduism that met the
challenges of Western critics and succeeded
against them in their own home territory.
The socio-religious movements of the
nineteenth century added a dimension of
social service to Hinduism that had not been
present previously. The Ramakrishna movement
had created a permanent system of social
service through its monks who practised
medicine, taught in schools and administered
a variety of relief measures. For the
Ramakrishna monks and nuns, this type of
action was the main expression of their
religious convictions. Other movements,
however, conducted similar types of social
service as an adjunct to their overall
religious programme. During the twentieth
century, religious movements continued to
conduct and expand their social service, as
new secular organizations entered this
field…[6]
These movements added a dimension of social
service to their religious activity.
The Indian mixture of religion and
social service was exported to a number of
other countries, primarily those with Hindu
immigrants. The Hindu movements expanded
both within
South Asia and beyond, with the result that Hinduism became an
international religion for the first time in
modern history. This new dimension of
Hinduism came through the emigration of
Hindus throughout the
British Empire and, eventually, to countries beyond it.
Socio-religious movements travelled with
these migrants. Among Hindus, the Arya Samaj
demonstrated this type of expansion to its
widest extent, while the Narayana Guru
Society and the Radhasoami Satsang were more
limited in their overseas expansion, at
least within the years before
Independence.[7]
A closer look at these movements
shows that they display a basic similarity
of patterns. Sharma labels these patterns as
orientations.[8]
The first orientation is characterized by
(a) emphasis on science and rationality, (b)
willingness to assimilate from the West, (c)
confidence in one’s tradition, combined with
(d) absence of antagonism towards, and even
appreciation of, other cultures and
religions. Ambroise presents the Brahmo
Samaj of Mohan Roy as the example for the
first orientation of the emerging religious
movements.[9]
Roy’s
effort was to show that Hinduism is on par
with all great religions and is valid for
Indians.
Orientation two is charaterized by
(a) emphasis on rationality combined with
revelation, (b) willingness to assimilate
from the West, (c) confidence in one’s own
tradition finding expression in missionary
activity, and (d) a militant attitude
towards other traditions. According to
Ambroise, the Arya Samaj of Dayananda
exihibits these orientations. Dayananada
conceived his Samaj in close resemblance to
the organization of the Church with its
central authority and network of parishes
and sub-centres. He made it obligatory for
all members of the Samaj to read, teach,
recite and listen to recitations of the
Vedas giving a missionary character to
Hinduism.[10]
He extolled Hinduism as the best possible
religion not just valid for Indians but a
must for them.
The third orientation is
characterised by (a) emphasis on rationality
combined with mysticism, (b) willingness to
help assimilate material techniques of the
West, offering in return the spiritual
techniques of the East, (c) self-confidence
in one’s tradition, expressed in an attitude
of neither wishing to convert away from it
nor wishing others to convert to it,
combined with the propagation of Hindu ideas
and ideals, and (d) emphasis on
universality. As Ambroise points out the
Ramakrishna movement represents the third
orientation showing that Hinduism as a
religion can not only borrow from other
cultural elements but can also contribute to
other religions.[11]
In short, Hinduism was shown as a universal
religion valid not only for Indians but to
the entire world and especially to the
materialistic West.
What one notices in these modern
movements is their attempt to show
universality while being rooted in the
particularity of their religious ideals
which are being projected as universal.
Again, presenting themselves neutral in
their approach towards conversion, they
promote conversion allegedly in the name of
filling the ‘spiritual vacuum’ of the
materialistic West. The spiritual in turn
results in the material while the affluent
materially support these movements. The
‘selling of the spiritual wares’ makes these
movements get established and
institutionalized.[12]
The Sai Baba tradition, Amritanandamayi,
Ravi Sankar and others are the best examples
of such orientations in the modern times.
We focus our attention on a general
study of the modern Hindu religious
movements of the post-independence
India with special reference to the Sathya
Sai Baba and Mata Amritanandamayi movements
as representative schools.
The Sai Baba Movement
The Sai Baba movement revolves
around the figure of Sri Satya Sai Baba, a
spiritual leader claiming the largest
following in the recent past, with 30
million devotees in 165 countries around the
world. Sai Baba was born in 1926 in the
village of Puttaparthi in the Anantapur
district of Andhra Pradesh. It was in 1940,
at the age of 14, the boy called Sathya
Narayana Raju claimed that he was an
incarnation of Sai Baba of Shirdi in
Maharashtra.
That ‘Grand Declaration’ changed an
individual’s destiny - and a village’s too.
In the 1950s he established his ashram
Prasanthi Nilayam (“Abode of Peace”) in a
nondescript hamlet, Puttaparthi. His fame
grew as the miracle worker and the
incarnation of Shirdi Sai. In a society
governed by a strict caste hierarchy, his
family’s origins as a cowherd people of the
Bhattaraju community, consanguineous to the
backward caste Kapus, have never been an
issue. It was in 1963 he made his second
major claim that he was an incarnation (avatar)
of Siva. Thus Sai Baba made two primary
associations, the first reincarnatory and
the second incarnatory, the first with
Shirdi Sai Baba, the second with Siva.
These boosted his following.
The claim to be an avatar is by no
means uncommon among Hindu holy men. But the
question why should Sathya Sai Baba seek a
particular association with the god Siva is
puzzling. It has often been maintained that
Siva was an ‘alien’ god who was assimilated
into the Hindu pantheon.[13]
If such, indeed, was the case, Sharma
observes that Siva would be better qualified
to preside over the integration of the
influences of an ‘alien’ West with Hinduism.
Moreover, the fact that Siva is a god more
concerned with cosmic change makes him
ideally suited for mediating transition in a
society undergoing widespread and rapid
social change.[14]
From a sociological perspective, Sai Baba’s
following comes from all classes of the
society including the tribal and dalit
groups.
India is undergoing rapid socio-economic
changes as the processes of
industrialization, urbanization,
modernization and Westernization gather
pace. This has resulted in the expansion of
all classes, caught up in the tensions
generated by competing claims of tradition
and modernity. The Sai Baba movement enables
people to maintain contact with tradition
and modernity as the country modernizes.[15]
Sai Baba defines his mission as, a)
Vedaposhana (preservation of Veda),
b) Vidvatwa poshana
(preservation of wisdom), c) Bhakta
rakshana (salvation of devotees), and
d) Dharmarakshana (preservation of
righteousness). Baba says that he has come
to implant faith in the divinity of man. On
another occasion he said that his main task
is the re-establishment of Vedanta and the
Vedantic way of life in
India and the world. His declared mission is
to ‘reconstruct the ancient highway to God’
restoring peoples’ knowledge of God and
faith in the spiritual heritage of India,
and ever emphasizing the basic principles of
Satya (truth), Dharma
(righteousness), Shanti (peace), and
Prema (love) as keys to the spiritual
growth of humankind.
Baba teaches universal religion. He
attracts devotees from all religions, sects
and cultures, from
Asia as well as the West. Sai is not a
jealous god. You can worship Christ or
Krishna or Allah, he says, and still believe
in him. This has obviously widened his
appeal. Besides claiming to be Sai Baba
incarnate, Sai is perhaps best known for
producing Vibhuti, the sacred ash
prized for its sacramental and healing
qualities. In his early days, Sai Baba used
his “miracles;” but now he realises that
there is need for a more lasting impact, in
the form of schools, hospitals and drinking
water projects and other humanitarian
services. He says: “manava seva is
madhava seva” (service to man is service
to God). He stresses the importance of
service to humanity in his exhortation that
“the hands that serve are holier than the
lips that pray.”[16]
Those who are served are looked upon as
embodiments of the divine.
Over the years Sai Baba’s
establishment has been served by a galaxy of
civil servents. There is intense
concentration of power through these civil
servants. In some ways, the India Today
opines that “it is the spiritual answer to
Delhi’s Shastri Bhavan.”[17]
The followers of Sai declare that they
direct all their devotion to the gods or God
through Sai whose photographs take the place
of any other image in the domestic worship.
Those who are drawn to the gurus, including
the large public that may not even see them
very often, or may know them best in
photographs or in newspaper articles
apprehend their “reality” in a very special
way. This is the effect of darshan
whether proximate or distant. It creates an
indissoluble bond between the Master and the
disciple. This is described by Hindus as the
closest of all human relationships. It
affords to the devotees not only a sense of
attraction for the guru, but the common
devotion to the guru creates a bond among
the devotees. Whereas it is difficult for
Hindus of different castes, social status or
wealth to meet together and be at ease in
most of the course of life, yet in homes,
ashrams, and even in the context of the
nation a socially unifying experience
becomes possible in the presence of a
charismatic master.
Mata Amritanandamayi
Mata Amritanandamayi, also known by
her followers as 'Amma', 'Ammachi' or
'Mother' (born on
September 27, 1953),
was born Sudhamani in a small village, in
Kerala State. Sudhamani was born into a
family of fishermen. Her schooling ended
when she was nine, and she began to take
care of her younger siblings and the family
domestic work full-time. From these humble
beginnings started the journey of a young
woman on the path to "universal
motherhood." Her devotees claim that she
had many mystical experiences as a child.
Since 1981, she has been teaching spiritual
aspirants all over the world. She founded a
worldwide organization, the Mata
Amritanandamayi Mission Trust, which is
engaged in many spiritual and charitable
activities.
From early childhood Sudhamani
developed an intense love, and devotion to
Lord Krishna. Unusual interest and
dedication to the deity led her to closer
relationship with the deity which filled her
with the divine graces in abundance.
Overwhelmed with divine bliss, feeling of
inner identification with the Lord Krishna,
she started transforming her features and
movements like that of Krishna Himself,
assuming the nature of
Krishna
- Krishna Bhava.[18]
In order to reach this state of
transcendence she has decided to love and
serve her devotees as a mother and, thus,
she started assuming the nature of the
divine Mother.[19]
“These divine bhavas are nothing but
the external revelation of her incessant
Oneness with the Supreme.”[20]
She used to dress up as
Krishna
or Devi during her bhavas so that
devotees may distinguish the bhavas
and pray accordingly. This became the
beginning of a great movement and devotees
began to flock to her for her darsan
and to be relieved of their problems.
Many of Amritanandamayi's followers
believe in her powers to perform miracles.
For instance, she mentioned in an interview
that she is often asked by her devotees to
perform miracles. She goes on to say that
water was miraculously changed into
panchamrutham (a sweet drink often
prepared for Hindu religious ceremonies) in
her presence and that her devotees were able
to light lamps out of conches filled with
water. Hearing of such miracles attributed
to her causes many people to become
sceptical of her powers while fuelling more
devotion in others. Amritanandamayi, her
followers and their activities have not been
above criticism. Many writers and social
activists (mostly rationalists and atheists)
have expressed doubts about her divine
powers.
Amma as the ‘hugging saint’[21]
is considered to be an embodiment of the
love of God to human beings. Through her
special hugging she expresses the outflow of
divine love towards the entire creation in
an all-encompassing spirit and in a total
identification with all. The embracing is
not just a physical contact but it is the
love she feels for all creation flowing
toward each person. The vibration of that
love which is the universal language
purifies the receivers and helps them in
their inner awakening and spiritual growth.[22]
This love is being made real through the
numerous charitable and humanitarian
endeavours covering a wide range of
community welfare, health care, education,
spirituality and global mission giving rise
to a huge empire of institutions. Hence Mata
Amritanandamayi is widely respected as a
loving humanitarian and a living saint.
Amritanandamayi Math (Ashram) known
as Amritapuri, executes various charitable
and humanitarian projects.
Amma’s vision for building a new
kind of Hindu temple that would help to
re-establish true spirituality as a vital
part of the Hindu culture became a reality
when she consecrated the first
Brahmasthanam temple in Kodungallur.
Since that time, Amma has consecrated more
than twelve new temples throughout
India in her effort to re-establish the
Vedic truths and moral order of the Indian
culture.[23]
In 1997, Amma had challenged traditional
Hinduism by allowing priestesses to take
charge of two of her temples, although a
number of Hindu priests and scholarly
pundits voiced opposition. She consecrated a
number of new temples and empowered her
women renunciates to study and become
pujarinis, or priestesses.[24]
In so doing Amma, herself hailing from the
fishermen caste, has given a clarion call to
Hindu women to awake from the degrading
caste hierarchy bound Hindu orthodoxy.
It is claimed that “Although Amma
is re-establishing the Vedic tradition in
India, she is not trying to make converts
out of those who come to her. She honours
and blesses all traditions. Hence people
from numerous religious traditions have gone
to her to receive her blessing of
unconditional love.”[25]
However, as Paramthottu observes, seemingly
this movement enjoys political patronage
from prominent Hindu political parties and
their leaders to the mixing up of religion
and politics to certain ends.
[26]
Religious Movements, Vedanta and the Gurus
It is Vedanta the perennial
philosophy which provides the basis for
Hindu religion, the oldest of the living
religions in the world today. The religious
movements attempt to recapture this
perennial spirit and make Hinduism a living
reality for the modern man. According to the
dominant Hindu belief Vedanta, there is only
one impersonal God called Brahman. Hence the
world we live in, according to Hinduism is
ultimately an appearance (maya),
having no ultimate value. Nevertheless, the
Hindu gurus claim to offer people
transcendence and meaning to life, which
Western materialism has cruelly denied them.[27]
The ancient teaching was given
impetus in 1893 when the first World
Parliament of Religions was held in
Chicago. As Robertson observes Swami
Vivekananda came to represent India, but
particularly to introduce the Vedantic
teaching to the West. He made many converts
and established numerous centres for the
study of philosophic Hinduism.[28]
Ever since organizations such as
Transcendental Meditation, Divine Light
Mission, Hare Krishna Movement have
proliferated. Besides these, self-styled
swamis and gurus maintain their own centres
of Vedantic teaching.
In modern times, Sai Baba,
Amritanandamayi, Ravi Sankar and others
carry on with legacy of Vedantic teaching.
Sai Baba believes in Nirguna (attributeless)
Brahman. The Nirguna has Saguna
(with qualities) aspect only as a help to
those who are spiritually immature to reach
the Nirguna Brahman. Only the
Nirguna Brahman is real and the world
which is unreal is superimposed on Brahman.
Man is essentially of divine nature.
Salvation is the merger of the self (atman)
with the Brahman. Sai has said “I am God and
you are also God. There is latent divinity
in us. The only difference is that you and I
are gods and you do not know it.”[29]
If one is already god, then to seek a god
outside oneself may sound foolish and could
be spiritually destructive.
Sai Baba has established a
Vedapathashala to teach Sanskrit
Scriptures along with the study of Indian
spirituality and cultures. He organises many
festivals like Gurupurnima and Sai Birthday
celebrations in his Aharam. Sai calims to be
an avatar.Thursday is a special day
for Sai worship. Devotees praise and worship
him with Sai Bhajans. The question,
if Sai believes in the Nirguna
Brahman, the attributeless real beyond
comprehension and worship, how can he permit
himself to be worshipped? remains
unanswered. He has the central command and
he permits the idolization. Hence, for tens
of millions of people around the globe he is
an object of worship as the embodiment of
the almighty in spite of being an ordinary
mortal.
Like the neo-vedantin Swami
Vivekanada, Sri Sri Ravi Sankar wants to
bring all the religious traditions together,
by using traditional vedic values to
contribute to the spiritual awakening of the
world, especially the West. Avdeeff
considers this project of globalization as a
project of “Vedantisation” of the world
religious traditions.[30]
In
India,
Ravi Sankar comes across really well in the
media and appears regularly on the Hindu
religious channel Samskar, and is
omnipresent in the high circulation dailies.
He claims a large following worldwide and
has a politically backed powerful movement
in India today.
Sri Ravi Sankar insists that people
must gather as often as possible to do
satsang. During satsang people
sing bhajans directed to gods and
also to the Guru himself. The main
expression of bhakti in the Ravi
Sankar movement, remains the devotion to the
Guru. The master teaches the surrender to
God, but he also teachers the surrender to
himself. On occasions like Guru Jayanti
(birth anniversary) the devotees clearly
identify Sri Ravi Sankar with Lord Krishna.
Moreover, during the Guru Purnima
devotees worship Sri Ravi Sankar. For many
devotees he is believed to be an embodiment
of divine love. He is frequently presented
as “as compassionate as Jesus, as playful as
Lord Krishna and as erudite as Adi Sankara.”
All these forms of bhakti ultimately
serve the cult of the Guru in the Art of
Living.
Now Amma, “Holy Mother,” is
considered by her devotees as a divine
being. In her biography one comes across the
following statement about herself: “Having
attained perfect control over the mind, I
found that I could identify myself with any
aspect of the Divine which I chose by my own
will. Suddenly I realized that I myself am
Devi.”[32]
Some of her expressions point to her
identification with the Divine. “… to Amma
there is nothing but God, the Paramatman.
The Atman alone is. Amma sees everything as
part of the whole, as an extension of her
own self.”[33]
In her dual manifestations of
Krishna bhava and Devi bhava
she assumes the divinity of Lord Krishna as
supreme self and realizes herself, the
Universal Mother as avatara of Devi
commanding worship by the devotees.
History is witness to the tradition
of godmen claiming to be gods and hence
considering themselves to be worshipful
beings.The dethroned leader of the Divine
Light Mission Sri Balyogeshwar (Guru Maharaj
Ji) known as the “Perfect Master” claimed
that he was Jesus Christ come again and
Krishna reincarnated. Millions believed him
and surrendered their minds to him and
considered him to be God. In spite of his
denunciations of traditional philosophy,
religion, morality and ideals, there are
tens of thousands, who have accepted
Rajneesh as Bhagavan (God).[34]
They consider him not as a person but the
divinity personified. As an Enlightened One,
he is one with Infinity, the Totality.
The process of deification and
worship is a reality in the case of most
contemporary gurus. However, it is said of
Ramana Maharshi of Arunachala, a vedantin of
high spiritual ecstasy and enlightenment,
that he never allowed anybody to treat him
as a special person and worship him. Sri
Ramana, widely admired as a ‘realised Self’,
taught that God and Self are synonyms for
the immanent reality which is discovered by
Self-realisation. Thus realisation of the
Self is realisation of God. The realisation
is not an experience of God, rather it is an
understanding that one is God.[35]Self
is the guru.[36]
Because one identifies himself with the
body, he thinks that the guru is also a
body. With the disappearance of this sense
of duality, ignorance is removed and one
achieves Self-realisation.[37]
He claimed that from the standpoint of the
Self, there is no birth or death, no heaven
or hell, and no reincarnation.[38]
For eternity is in the ‘now.’
The claim to be an incarnation of
Rama,
Krishna
or any other deity by the gurus seem to be
inconsistent with the Vedanta ideal. The
gurus who believe in the oneness of all
reality become inconsistent with their
teaching and make no sense in the monistic
philosophy. In spite of all inconsistencies
in their teachings, today Gurus have become
popular everywhere as a worldwide force to
be reckoned with. Millions of people, young
and old, rich and poor, illiterate and
sophisticated, bow before them believing in
them completely and following their
footsteps faithfully. As Magalwadi observes,
the popularity of gurus symbolizes two
things both in the East and in the West:
first, a resurgence of the perennial quest
of man and second, a struggle for new form
of culture. He identifies it as a struggle
for cultural independence in India and as a
struggle for a counter culture in the West.[39]
What the new religious movements in
effect are achieving through the rediscovery
of Vedanta is the modernization of Hinduism.
Most have tended to emphasize conduct or
experience over scriptural authority, and to
de-emphasize caste and the ritual
inferiority of the female. In fact, the new
religious movements have induced an upward
revision of the status of women. The Hare
Krishna Movement tends to be more
conservative in this respect while the neo-Sannyasa
of Rajneesh is very liberal, and in the sect
of Brahmakumaris women are considered
spiritually superior to men. All these have
had the effect of making Hinduism a
missionary religion in effect, and most have
shown increasing social concern. This
evangelistic aspect which was less marked in
the pre-independence movements seems to have
become the trademark today. Whereas the
pre-independence new religious movements
were concerned with preventing conversions
from Hinduism, many of the post-independence
religious movements are concerned with
promoting conversions to it, especially from
the West.[40]
Meanwhile the inland conversions under the
patronage of some of these movements through
their political wings are very much active.
Conclusion
In general, the new Religious
movements are patronized essentially by the
urban middle classes, both lower and upper.
Although their membership is not restricted
to this class, the bulk of followers do
belong to it. The following in most cases is
pan-Indian and cuts across regional lines.
Many of the new religious movements have
made a greater impact in establishing
contact beyond
India in some way and some have done so in a
major way. Movements like Hare Krishna, The
Divine Light Mission and the Transcendental
Meditation and others have got established
in
Europe
and America and operate from the West. Such
internationalization has had a profound
effect on the Hindu world view, in the sense
that it has speeded up the process of
transformation of Hinduism from an ethnic
into a universalistic religion.
As a result of interaction with the
West, many of the movements themselves seem
to respond to and transmit what is called
‘demonstration effect’ by economists,
namely, the imitation of the West in matters
of both consumption and production.[41]
Catering to the Western and American public,
some of these movements turn out to be
thriving commercial centres of certain
religious leaders.
Similarly, most of the new
movements have a major social service
component which finds expression in the
setting up of schools and colleges. The Sai
Baba and Mata Amritanandamayi movements are
very strong in this respect. Amrita is
becoming a known name in the field of
education and medical care. The
institutionalization helps dominate or
influence the political scene and adopt
politico-legal measures such as laws to deny
the privileges due to the lower classes to
stop them from attraction and conversion to
other religions.
The way religious reform movements
in
India
are organised owe much to the impact of
European missionary movements. There was a
running ballet between Christian Missions
and Indian religions in the nineteenth
century and to meet this challenge,
exponents of Indian religions appropriated
much of the style of their militant ideology
and their embattled missionary
organizations. But, in a more positive way,
they also began to imitate the corporate
life of Christianity, its community prayer,
its monasticism and also some of its
religiosity, its concepts of sin, guilt, the
need for repentance and grace. It can, of
course, be argued that such mimesis was a
sign of insecurity and that out of this
defensiveness sprang modern Hindu
fundamentalism.[42]
As evident, most of the
post-independence new religious movements
had their function, answering to the
existential needs of people. The need of the
period was to make Hinduism relevant and
palatable to the educated Hindus and to make
Hinduism a living religion. These movements
did fulfil this function. Consequently, this
diminished the attraction to other religions
especially Christianity, and gradually
arrested the process of conversion among the
elitist and educated groups and the high
caste who absorbed the transacted Hinduism.[43]
These movements express the collective and
mental production of a group often under the
leadership of the charismatic gurus. They
articulate most clearly the efforts of a
collective subject to cope with or to
transcend its environment. In the process
they have achieved a high state of appeal
especially with regard to the revival of
Hinduism from within and in presenting it as
universal religion for all times rooted in
the perennial philosophy of Vedanta. These
religious movements are, hence, expressions
of a revived socio-religious consciousness
of the Indian psyche.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ambroise, Y. “Hindu Religious Movements: A
sociological Perspective,” Journal of
Dharma 4 (1982) 358-373.
Ankerberg, J. & Weldon, J. Encyclopedia
of New Age Beliefs.
Oregon:
Harvest House Publishers, 1996.
Avdeeff, A. “Sri Sri Ravi Sankar and the Art
of Spreading Awareness over the World,
Journal of Dharma 3 (2004) 321-335.
Copley, A. A Study in Religious
Leadership and Cultism, in Copley, A.
ed., Gurus and Their Followers: New
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India.
New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2000.
Kinsley, D. R. Hinduism: A Cultural
Perspective. NJ: Englewood Cliffs
Prentice-Hall, 1982.
Menon, A.K. & Malik, A. “Test of Faith: 75
Years of Satya Sai Baba: Faith and
Controversy,”
India Today,
December 4, 2000,
40-45.
Sharma, A. “New Hindu Religious Movements in
India,” in James A. Beckford ed., New
Religious Movements and Rapid Social Change.
New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1986.
http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
“Mata_Amritanandamayi.”
http://www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
“New_religious_movement.”
Women have been offering Vedic
sacrifices on festivals since the time
of Upasani Baba, the principal disciple
of Shridi Sai Baba. Because of this and
the training given to the nuns, Upasani
Baba has been viewed by some as the
restorer of Hindu women to a place of
dignity in the ritual and intellectual
life of Hinduism, lost to them since the
Vedic Age. With Upasani Baba and “Mata”
Godavari as their preceptors, a number
of young women entered the ashram as
nuns or Kanyas and offered
themselves entirely to the devotional
life.
Ankerberg & Weldon, Encyclopedia of
New Age Beliefs, 221. In truth,
however, both Hinduism and materialism
end in exactly the same place: nihilism.
Hinduism also teaches that Brahman
exists ‘beneath’ this illusory universe
and, thus, resides in the material
creation, including man. This explains
why the goal of Hinduism is to go
inward, into one’s consciousness, to
mystically discover that one’s true
nature is one essence with God, or
Brahman.
Avdeeff, “Sri Sri Ravi Sankar and the
Art of Spreading Awareness over the
World,” 335.
Avdeeff, “Sri Sri Ravi Sankar and the
Art of Spreading Awareness over the
World,” 332.
Kinsley,
Hinduism: A Cultural Perspective,
23.
Copley,
A Study in Religious Leadership and
Cultism, 9.
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